|
Chapter 4: Housing and the Environment
Ken Sterrett
Executive Summary
Key Findings and Recommendations
Chapter 1: Introduction and Background to the Study
Chapter 2: Population Statistics: Belfast and Donegall Pass, 1971-2001
Chapter 3: Internal Migration and Community Dynamics
Chapter 5: Health and Wellbeing
Chapter 6: Children and Young People
Chapter 7: Education in Context
Chapter 8: Education and Training Issues in Donegall Pass
Chapter 9: The Role of Community in Regeneration
Appendix 1 Donegall Pass Profile
Appendix 2 Focus Group Topics/Questions
Appendix 3 Recruitment Form
CHAPTER FOUR - HOUSING AND THE ENVIRONMENT
Key Points
- The 2001 census showed that the Donegall Pass community was characterised by relatively small households (DP 1.7; Belfast 2.4; NI 2.7), a high percentage of elderly people (DP 30%; Belfast 32%; NI 19%), and a significant number single people living alone (DP 57%; Belfast 35%; NI 27%).
- The 2001 census also showed that there was a relatively high number of smaller housing units (62% with 4 rooms or less), than in the rest of the city (11%), or in Northern Ireland as a whole (21%).
- In December 2006 NIHE (NIHE, 2007) recorded 44 applicants on the housing waiting list, 30 of whom were assessed as being in housing stress.
- Local residents and community activists argued that in order to sustain and develop the local community, there needs to be more family housing.
- While they also appreciated that the housing authority had a responsibility to take a broader strategic view of social and affordable housing provision, it should also recognise that Donegall Pass, as a longstanding community, has a right to survive and develop.
- There was a concern that new private development would almost inevitably reduce the housing opportunities for the longstanding community.
- The 2001 Census recorded that 70% of households in Donegall Pass didn’t own a car. Across Northern Ireland as a whole, only 26% of households didn’t own a car and in Belfast (LGD) the figure was 44%. Yet the area suffered and continues to suffer from a commuter parking problem. The situation was made worse when the Motor Tax office was relocated to the Gasworks site.
- The proposal to create a four lane ‘orbital boulevard’ along Bankmore Street and an additional slip road along the west side of the Lower Ormeau Road will effectively create a barrier between the community area and the city centre.
- Although the strategic planning guidelines for the Belfast Metropolitan Area point to the importance of ‘creating a city of liveable communities in identifiable neighbourhoods’ (DRD 2001), this has not been translated into practice at a local level.
Introduction
The process of change currently being experienced in Belfast’s inner city to a large extent mirrors a process of change that has occurred and is occurring in other cities across Britain and Ireland and indeed elsewhere. Over the last 50 years cities in the UK have been shaped and re-shaped by structural changes in the economy such as de-industrialisation in the 1960s and 1970s and then more recently by the forces of globalisation. Restructuring began in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the Matthew Plan which set in train twin processes of the dispersal of the inner city population to selected growth centres together with the comprehensive redevelopment of much of Belfast. During the 1970s the planned restructuring of the city was overlain with the spatial consequences of the developing political violence.
By the 1980s, therefore, the de-population in Belfast was pronounced. The social composition of the city had also changed. For instance, whereas in the early 1970s, Catholics accounted for 34 per cent of the population, two decades later they comprised 42 per cent. As unemployment rose considerably, inter-community conflict contributed to the dereliction in the most depressed places.
The late 1980s also saw the adoption of a new plan for Belfast known as the Belfast Urban Area Plan. As elsewhere, the Plan set out a regeneration agenda which focused on revitalising the city centre, through investment in retailing, offices, leisure and tourism and opening up the city to the waterfront through Laganside. Interestingly, the Plan failed to mention ‘the war’, or indeed the territorial geography which had intensified and deepened over the previous two decades.
Donegall Pass
It was not until the late 1970s - early 1980s that Donegall Pass underwent comprehensive redevelopment. This brought a considerable reduction in the number of houses from around 1,500 to about 600. Such decreases in density were not unusual during inner city redevelopment. As in other parts of Belfast, particularly in Protestant working class areas, high density nineteenth century terrace housing was generally replaced with lower density housing and more generous external space, including private gardens. In part, the opportunity to reduce the number of houses was facilitated by the ongoing migration of Protestants out of inner and middle city areas to the suburbs of Belfast and beyond. It is also important to note that in 1982, and partly as a result of community action in areas such as the Shankill, the NIHE introduced a Housing Renewal Strategy. This shifted the emphasis from large scale redevelopment to smaller areas of redevelopment and to housing rehabilitation. Significantly, this also slowed the pace of redevelopment allowing demographic trends to overtake the housing replacement processes. This was particularly evident in inner city Protestant areas such as Donegall Pass.
The reduction in housing density in Donegall Pass was coupled, for the most part, with a redesign of the residential areas that saw traditional terraced streets being replaced with an arrangement of shared-surface cul-de-sacs. This followed a somewhat controversial design and layout template that was used quite extensively in redevelopment areas across the city. Significantly, too, because the population profile of those wanting to remain in Donegall Pass was skewed towards the elderly, the predominant new house-type was the two-bedroomed terrace.
The overall community residential environment has always been structured around a linear core that contains a range of retail outlets, offices, churches and terraced housing. However, this stretch of road has changed too over the last 20 years. Shops which once provided a range of local retail services have almost all closed down and have been replaced by retail, office and restaurant premises which have a wider city client base. Proximity to the city centre and the ‘entertainment area’ together with relatively low commercial rents and good access from the city’s road and rail network, have combined to offer an attractive location for a range services and outlets. A significant consequence of all of this is that the main thoroughfare is no longer simply a local community environment. While some of the services, such as the pubs and chip shops are used by locals, other services and outlets, including the churches, largely generate their activity from outside the area. Importantly too, the main community facilities, that is the community centre and the Community Forum do not have a significant presence in the thoroughfare. The Community Centre is ‘tucked away’ in Apsley Street and the Forum is relatively inaccessible on the third floor of Grove House.
Study Findings - Housing
As noted in chapter 2, the population of Donegall Pass has declined significantly over the last 35 years. The 2001 Census recorded that the population of 1,076 was made up of 609 households with an average household size of 1.7. In Belfast the average household size was 2.4 and in Northern Ireland as a whole, it was 2.7.
Almost 47% of households lived in terraced properties, and around 34% lived in flats, maisonettes, or apartments. A relatively small number of residents, around 19%, lived in detached or semi-detached houses. Donegall Pass had a significantly higher number of single person households (57%), in comparison with Belfast as a whole (35%), or indeed with Northern Ireland (27%). Interestingly, the percentage of single households that were classified as pensioner was relatively similar across the three enumeration areas (Donegall Pass 42%, Belfast 45%, and Northern Ireland 47%). However, 33% of the households in Donegall Pass were single, non pensioner households, while the percentages for Belfast and Northern Ireland were 20% and 15% respectively. It is widely accepted that a relatively high percentage of households in Protestant inner city areas are elderly. In 2001, 30% of all households in Donegall Pass were pensioner households. In comparison, 22% of Belfast households were in this category, while the figure for Northern Ireland was 19%.
Home ownership in Donegall Pass in 2001 was around 25%. The rate for Belfast was approximately 70%, and for Northern Ireland, 56%. In 2001, 57% of all houses in Donegall Pass were rented from NIHE and 6% from a Housing Association. Around 6% were rented from a private landlord.
An examination of current housing stock in Donegall Pass, using the 2001 census, showed that there was a relatively high number of smaller housing units (62% with 4 rooms or less), than in the rest of the city (11%), or in Northern Ireland as a whole (21%). Interestingly, occupancy ratings show that 67% of households in Donegall Pass were living in accommodation where there was a ‘surplus’ of rooms while the figure for Belfast was 71% and for Northern Ireland, 78%. The overcrowding indicator for the area at 9% was much the same as for Belfast at 10%.
In December 2006 NIHE (NIHE 2007) recorded 44 applicants on the housing waiting list, 30 of whom were assessed as being in housing stress.
The statistics presented above outline a housing profile of the local Donegall Pass community that is characterised by relatively small households, a high percentage of elderly people, and a significant number single people living alone. They also indicated that the current social housing stock was not appropriate for the long term sustainability of the indigenous community.
Community Views
Housing in general was a major issue for the residents of Donegall Pass, but more particularly, the focus groups and interviews pointed to a number of sub-issues including: the type of housing; the tenure mix; allocation policy; and the housing environment.
As noted earlier, the mix of house types designed for an ageing population in the late 1970s and early 1980s was considered unsuitable for the present population. The profile above shows that there was a relatively high proportion of small house types. The Census figure of 63% of all houses having 4 rooms or less, referred largely to a preponderance of the 2 bed-roomed houses built during redevelopment. Family houses, that is those houses with 5 rooms or more, accounted for around 35% of all stock. Local residents and community activists argued that in order to sustain and develop the local community, there needs to be more family housing.
|
‘Now I am in a two bedroom house but really, and I am on my own you know, what I mean the other bedroom, it's only a wee small bedroom, it's no good to a family.’ ‘There's nothing for the younger ones coming up through with young families’. (Mixed Adult Group 2)
|
|
|
|
‘The area used to be full of families, but now they can’t get a house’. ‘No appreciation for families’ needs as they expand. People from outside the area get more than those from within the area.’ (Mixed Adult Group 1)
|
|
|
|
‘There’s also a problem with young families getting houses. If they want to have a larger family and a 2 bedroom house won’t suffice and they have problems getting social housing or even buying houses in the area because of the prices, you know, to suit their needs. And, the 3 bedroom houses often the 3rd room is very small and still not suitable, which forces people, sometimes some of the people who you want to keep in the area that have contributed to the area over the years, and they end up having to move.’ (Community Worker 2)
|
|
As noted in chapter 2, the number of houses in owner-occupation has increased significantly over the last 30 years. This reflected an increase in private residential development but for the most part captures the tenure changes in social housing facilitated by ‘the right to buy’ legislation. This trend is likely to continue, given the relatively high prices offered for NIHE properties and the interest shown in the area by private developers. For local residents this ongoing reduction in the social housing stock is limiting the opportunity for both young families and single people on low incomes to remain in the area.
In December 2005 there were 65 applicants on the HE’s waiting list, however, the social housing stock in Donegall Pass is limited in overall terms, and is particularly limited in relation to suitable family housing. In 2001 there were 410 houses owned by NIHE or a Housing Association and as noted above, the stock is continuing to decrease. Residents and community representatives made a number of points about the waiting list and about the Executive’s allocation policy.
Firstly, they felt that Donegall Pass needed to be considered as a distinctive community housing area. In other words, while they appreciated that the housing authority had a responsibility to take a broader strategic view of social and affordable housing provision, it should also recognise that Donegall Pass, as a longstanding community, has a right to survive and develop. Secondly, a number of participants suggested that the housing waiting list did not accurately reflect housing demand. In view of the limited supply of local housing, many residents thought that adding their names to the waiting list was a pointless gesture.
|
Why is there no waiting list? Because there isn’t enough family accommodation. We had a local girl coming in to work on a ‘Highway to Health’ post, but she’s in a 2-bedroom flat. She has one baby and another one on the way. She needs a 3-bedroom house, so she’s possibly going to have to move out of the area and those are the sort of people we need to keep in the area. Community Worker 2
|
|
A related concern and one that is likely to increase in intensity is the issue of private housing. Anecdotal evidence suggested that private landlords were actively buying former NIHE properties for letting purposes. And, moreover, many of these were being rented for multiple-occupation. In addition, and as important, there was expressed concern about the further development of private apartments, particularly around the periphery of the area. This ongoing expansion of private sector development triggered a number of community anxieties. Firstly, there was considerable reflection on the value to the community of existing apartment development. And then, secondly, there was a concern that new private development would inevitably reduce the housing opportunities for the longstanding community.
|
‘In 15 years time all the houses will be all bought and sold off’. (Mixed Adult Group 1)
|
|
|
|
As the private market moves in they’re going to drive out the existing local people, the next generation coming through they’re going to drive them right out so that has to be seriously and addressed as well (Political representative 2)
|
|
|
|
It's like people that's buying the houses now, they are not even living in them they're just renting them out, just for people that work in the town. There's a lot of houses being bought, people have moved out and ended up just rented out to people, that's more houses away for families.’ ‘I mean if you put up apartments it is gonna be the same as before, nobody is gonna have the money to move into them, so it's just gonna be other business people from outside the area.’ (Young Adult Male Group))
|
|
|
|
‘there’s a lot of strangers moving into the area as well which isn't always a bad thing, but they don't sort of interact within the community’. ‘It's students yes, so I mean they're maybe only in the house for a short time, and then they are moving on again and you're getting somebody different.’ (Females 18-25 Group)
|
|
It was also noted that in 2001 around 6% of the housing in Donegall Pass was in the private rented sector. With ongoing sales of the existing stock and the likelihood of further private residential development, this will increase. The NIHE is in the course of implementing a new strategy on the private rented sector. One of the main objectives of the strategy is ‘to facilitate housing choice and promote the private rented sector as a viable and affordable housing option’ (Department of Social Development, 2004). It seems probable that new legislation together with a more proactive approach from NIHE will see this sector develop over the next decade. In Donegall Pass, given recent trends, this could be a very significant development.
As noted previously, the housing environment in Donegall Pass reflected a 1980s planners’ fashion for shared cul-de-sacs in social housing areas. This considered together with the preponderance of 2-bedroomed houses and on-street commuter parking had created an environment which the residents regarded as being unsafe, even dangerous at times.
|
‘They (NIHE) had built all these low-rise walls with bushes in them and I’m sure they thought it was great, put in a wee put of greenery, but that caused nightmares for people. It ended up like a rabbit warren of entries. I don’t think there was not enough planning, I don’t know if any planning went in it at all.’ (Political Representative 1)
|
|
Transport and car-parking
The 2001 Census records that across Northern Ireland as a whole, only 26% of households didn’t own a car. In Belfast (LGD) the figure was 44%, but in Donegall Pass it was 70%. In other words, this was a very low car owning community. This was not unusual as it reflected the profile of many low income areas across the city. However, as an inner city area, local residents have had the ‘benefit’ of employment opportunities in the adjacent central business areas. The 2001 Census showed that 55% of the working population of Donegall Pass travelled less than 2 kilometres to their place of work. Consequently, a relatively high percentage of the community (42%), walked or cycled to work. In comparison, only 17% of the wider Belfast population walked or cycled to work and across Northern Ireland as a whole, the figure was 11%.
In some respects this profile suggested a very ‘sustainable’ community area with significant scope for well designed outdoor space for pedestrians and for children’s play. However, the area suffered and continues to suffer from a commuter parking problem. In view of the area’s proximity to major employment hubs and given the rising cost of central area car-parking, Donegall Pass had become an attractive location for ‘free’ on-street parking. The situation was made significantly worse when the Motor Tax office was relocated to the Gasworks site and, consistent with new planning policyi, a minimum amount of car parking was provided. All of this in turn has created significant problems for the local community.
|
‘And you can't even get round the corner’ ‘Yeah, at your own house’ … ‘The Tax Office has made it worse’… ‘Yeah there's no parking at the Tax Office at all, there's no parking’. (Females 18-25)
|
|
|
|
‘It's to do with the parking and cars and the air we're breathing, it must be the worst fumes in the town … because an awful lot of people in the Pass with bad chests.’ ‘The Gas Works done an awful lot of damage to this place, the Gas Works does more damage to this place than any Chinese … like the parking and all’ ‘Aye, by the car parking’. (Mixed Adult Group)
|
|
|
|
‘Too much car parking, they come at six o'clock in the morning.’ ‘Sitting here in their car, putting their make up on so they can get a place … sometimes they take their breakfast too.’ ‘Yes they do, their toast and their cup of tea and all.’ ‘This is a big issue here and it is a mass car park for people working down the city centre’ (Adults 60+)
|
|
For local residents the issue was not only about the inconveniences of stepping around parked cars, but was also about the safety of the most vulnerable in the community, particularly children and the elderly. In relation to the former, a number of contributors said that they would only allow their young children to play outside on Saturdays and Sundays when there were less parked cars. Significantly, too, some participants referred to the difficulties experienced by the emergency services and buses in negotiating a path between the cars.
One of the community representatives reflected on the irony of a low car owning community living in an environment dominated by cars. He referred not just to parked cars, but also to the significant amount of traffic using the main Donegall Pass thoroughfare and Vernon Street as a connectors to the Ormeau Road or Shaftesbury Square.
Arguably, the needs of the car owing public have had, and continue to have, a significant role in shaping the everyday lives of the local community. The development of the inner ring road will, in the view of the community, contribute to this. The proposal here to create a four lane ‘orbital boulevard’ along Bankmore Street and an additional slip road along the west side of the Lower Ormeau Road will effectively create a barrier between the community area and the city centre. More than this, many residents see these developments as being part of a process that is eroding the community area, particularly around the edges. One contributor noted that this has happened to a number of inner city Protestant areas, for example in Sandy Row, Bridgend and Brown Square.
|
… why can't we build, why can't we retain (Bankmore Street). There's going to be a ring road and underground and overpasses and all that there, why can't that be retained for Donegall Pass to facilitate the housing? (Adult male group)
|
|
|
|
It’s going to cut off the community from the city centre, it’s going to be an environmental hazard, create more pollution, health and safety issue of kids running onto the roads etc. People aren’t consulted about that, people have no power to do anything about it; they feel they have no power to do anything about it. (Education worker)
|
|
The wider Donegall Pass environment
The Donegall Pass environment is undergoing significant change. Major new developments are proposed for a number of vacant sites within the area, while incremental changes in the physical environment continue to occur along the main thoroughfare. Most of these developments are being driven by market forces and are being facilitated by the planning processes. During the course of discussions a number of residents and interviewees pointed to the lack of control that the community felt they had over the development of the area. This was not simply the normal conservative reaction to change that is quite commonplace, but rather it reflected a concern about the community’s very survival.
Considered from a community perspective, the area has lost a significant number of services and facilities over the last three decades. As well as this, and as noted before, the existing housing stock is regarded as being unsuitable for sustaining the ‘indigenous’ community. In addition, the community area has also contracted due to new development around the periphery. This latter point is important, because it demonstrates how the market is attracted to sites that can be effectively detached from the perceived ‘stigma’ that is often connected to Donegall Pass.
|
The business community are coming into Donegall Pass at the minute and buying all round them and taking up where there used to be housing and it eventually probably squeezes us all out of the area. (Adult Male Group)
|
|
There is also a view among many in the community that the main thoroughfare is no longer a community space or even a space where the community has a strong presence. The growth in number of Chinese and other restaurants and businesses and their very strong visual presence adds to local unease about how ‘the Pass’ is developing.
Reflections
Arguably, current planning practice in Belfast is insensitive to the needs of local communities. Decisions about the development of an area such as Donegall Pass are made on the basis of a suite of generic planning policies and a development plan that is largely strategic in its approach. In this context there is little or no scope for considering how proposed new developments will affect, or indeed contribute to the sustainability of the local community. Although the strategic planning guidelines for the Belfast Metropolitan Area point to the importance of ‘creating a city of liveable communities in identifiable neighbourhoods’ (DRD 2001), this has not been translated into practice at a local level.
In terms of the overall community environment what is the future? Can the local community be sustained? Considered idealistically, one possible avenue of thought might be to consider Donegall Pass as an urban village (Aldous, T. 1979). After all Belfast has often been described as a ‘city of villages’; a testament to its rapid development in the late nineteenth century when many rural dwellers migrated to the city in search of work. But what is an urban village; does Donegall Pass meet the criteria used elsewhere? Considered at one level it would appear to have some of the key ingredients: it is a defined place; it has a commercial core; it has at least some community facilities that might be further developed; and it has a developing social and ethnic mix of residents. However, research elsewhere has shown that for an urban village to be sustainable it needs to have an area of around 40 hectares (Donegall Pass is around 23 hectares), so that every facility is within walking distance. It has also been suggested that a viable urban village needs to have a population of between 3,000–5,000 people (Franklin, B. & Tait, M., 2002).
‘An urban village is essentially a liveable space which fosters pride of place, encourages community spirit and develops a sense of belonging. Urban villages should consist of a range of mixed uses providing vitality and sustainability. Buildings should accommodate different activities throughout their floor levels which will reinforce the culture and benefit the economy of an Urban Village’ (Ian Finlay Architects and Paul Butler Associates, (n.d), quoted in Franklin & Tait).
The notion of the urban village has been discussed before in the context of Belfast. And while it has its attractions for communities seeking some sort of control over their local environment, and also for those campaigning for a more sustainable pattern of living, it also presents some possible dangers. In the context of a contested city such as Belfast, where many residential areas are defined as ethno-religious territories, there is always the risk that the creation of a series of urban villages will result in the reinforcement of sectarian space. Arguably Belfast needs to develop its infrastructure and its space in a way that helps facilitate a more open and accessible society.
Donegall Pass may not meet the urban village criteria set out above, but, nevertheless, there may be merit in embracing some of the positive attributes of the urban village ideal while simultaneously addressing any of the possible negative effects associated with reinforcing the insularity of place. One suggestion might be to see the main thoroughfare as an extension of Botanic Avenue, with Botanic being developed as a shared space for the surrounding communities. Donegall Pass would add another local and multi-ethnic dimension to this.
Firstly, a particular problem for the Donegall Pass community is its scale. The relatively small population of just over 1,000 people live in area measuring only 24 hectares. This coupled with tight territorial boundaries suggests that there will be limits on the extent to which the community can be self-sufficient in terms of services. Nevertheless, it is imperative that the density of any new residential development should be appreciably higher than at present. This would help increase the local population and consequently contribute to the viability of local services. As important, new private residential development should have a significant component of social and/or affordable housing. A recent report by the Department of the Environment (2005) noted that in Belfast:
the market was only catering for a particular sector and that starter homes at the lower end of the market, or affordable family homes were being squeezed … high density developments are tending to supply niche markets, and there are fewer examples of high density family housing being constructed. It was considered that the lack of quality infrastructure was tending to distort the market, particularly restricting the provision of family housing within inner city areas’ (DoE, 2005, p.7)
It is also appropriate to note in this context, that the Planning Service of the Department of the Environment has legislation available that can assist the process of negotiating community benefits from private developers. Article 40 of the Planning (Northern Ireland) Order 1991 allows the Department to enter into an agreement with public or private sector developers to provide local infrastructure or other works that are needed to support the development of the area. Any such agreement becomes a condition of the planning permission.
A second and related point concerns the current development processes. It seems highly likely that new residential development will see more private apartments and townhouses located in Donegall Pass. This will bring new residents into the area and, significantly, they will be largely middle class. On the one hand this will help create a better social balance in the area, however, on the other hand, and as noted by some participants above, such residents are normally less inclined to integrate with the longstanding community. While there is some evidence to suggest that so-called gated or separated communities within a community can bring positive benefits to local deprived neighbourhoods (Manzi, T., & Smith-Bowers, B., 2005), other studies suggest that they do little more than ‘extend the feudal character of urban contact’ (Atkinson, R. & Flint, J, 2004).
It is important, therefore, that any new substantial development has a mix of tenures and that the design and layout of new schemes does not segregate social or low cost housing from the private sphere.
Thirdly, in the context of developing an overall regeneration strategy for Donegall Pass, a more detailed analysis of the identified housing issues is required. This would include:
- an assessment of the capacity of the existing housing stock within Donegall Pass to meet the long term needs of the community;
- an assessment of the external spaces in housing areas to facilitate a possible redesign;
- a feasibility study to test the practicability of developing family accommodation from existing stock.
Fourthly, the main thoroughfare should be developed as the centre of the community. This will require the further development of a mixed use environment that can provide local shops as well as more residential accommodation, perhaps on the upper floors of existing buildings. As noted above, some contributors also commented that community presence on the main thoroughfare is weak. In other words, there are very few local shops and facilities and the community facilities that do exist are not very accessible (the Forum), or are located behind the main frontage (the Community Centre). All of this suggests the need for a mix of uses that provide for local community needs as well as offering services to a wider public. An environment that supported both offers the potential for more social, face-to-face interaction.
Fifthly, a related point concerns the quality of the local environment. Arguably, the current drive to densify the city and to encourage city centre living is neglectful of the supportive environment that helps to create and sustain community interaction. Public open space, children’s play areas, and community facilities such as schools, health centres and local shops all contribute to the facilitation of community. While it is highly unlikely that Donegall Pass could support the re-opening of a local school, there are other opportunities for developing buildings and spaces for community uses. For example, the Porter’s School building and the BELB building could be developed for a mix of social and commercial purposes. Social economy projects elsewhere have demonstrated how commercial enterprises can help subsidise much needed local services such as youth facilities, crèche services and advice centres.
Conclusion
While this chapter set out to explore issues relating to housing and the environment, the notion of the sustainable community has permeated all aspects of the discussion. The very idea of community and what is meant by the term is considered in Chapter 9. However, in the context of a discourse about the future of housing and the environment, it is relevant to consider what role planning has had, or indeed could have, in shaping the Donegall Pass community. As noted previously, planning policy and practice is supportive of inner city regeneration in a general sense. Largely this translates as encouraging and facilitating the development industry to redevelop or regenerate brownfield sites. In relation to urban housing renewal, for example, this process is assisted by a strategic objective which seeks to accommodate the majority of housing growth within the urban footprint (RDS: 2001).
Arguably, this approach to urban planning is somewhat technocratic. In other words, the inner city is viewed as a physical environment with the potential for development and regeneration. The role of planning is to put in place plans and policies which will help secure good quality developments that function well and are aesthetically appropriate. This is undertaken through the regulatory development control processes. Planning in its present mode makes little or no attempt to assess the needs of individual communities or indeed to consider the impact that current or past practices have had on those communities.
So where does the notion of the sustainable community fit in this context? How is the term defined by Government and what role can planning play in sustaining a community such as Donegall Pass? The Department of Communities and Local Government defines sustainable communities as:
‘places where people want to live and work, now and in the future. They meet the diverse needs of existing and future residents, are sensitive to their environment, and contribute to a high quality of life. They are safe and inclusive, well planned, built and run, and offer equality of opportunity and good services for all’ (DCLG, 2008).
This definition and its further elaboration in Government policy, offers an advance on the urban village concept discussed above. More particularly, it recognises the need for a more integrated, locally-based approach to the creation and development of sustainable communities. And while the physical environment is a very significant part of people’s everyday experience, the provision and delivery of local services, the management of change and local participation are all equally as important.
All of this, points to the need for an integrated community strategy for the area. Such a strategy needs to be more than a physical regeneration strategy. It requires an approach that begins by recognising the connectedness of the issues raised here and in other parts of this report. Improvements to the environment of Donegall Pass and the delivery of more appropriate housing will contribute to the well-being of local people, but equally, developing local empowerment, and addressing the educational needs of young people and adults, for example, will help sustain an effective community.
Notes and References
Aldous, T. (1997) Urban Villages: A Concept for Creating Mixed-use Urban Developments on a Sustainable Scale, 2nd edn, London: Urban Villages Forum.
Atkinson, R. & Flint, J, (2004) Fortress UK: Gated Communities, the Spatial Revolt of the Elites and Time–Space Trajectories of Segregation, Housing Studies Vol. 19, No. 6, 875–892.
Department Communities and Local Government (2008) What is a sustainable community? Available at http://www.communities.gov.uk/communities/sustainablecommunities/whatis/, last accessed on the 24/06/08
Department of the Environment (NI), (2005) Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan 2015 Draft Plan: Technical Supplement 1, Vol II, Population & Housing. Belfast: DoE.
Department of Regional Development, (2001) Shaping Our Future: Regional Development Strategy for Northern Ireland 2025, p65. Belfast: DRD.
Department for Social Development and Northern Ireland Housing Executive, (2004) Renting privately: a strategic framework. Belfast: DSD.
Franklin, B. & Tait, M. (2002) Constructing an Image: the Urban Village Concept in the UK. Planning Theory, Sage Publications, Vol. 1(3): pp. 250-272.
Ian Finlay Architects and Paul Butler Associates (n.d.) Ancoats Urban Village Planning and Design Guide. Manchester: Ian Finlay Architects and Paul Butler Associates.
Manzi, T., & Smith-Bowers, B., (2005) Gated Communities as Club Segregation or Social Cohesion? Housing Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2, 345–359.
Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) (2006) Belfast District Housing Plan 2006- 07. Belfast: NIHE
|
